“Ye shall fight your own wars, wage your own battles, and for your own thoughts! And when your thought be conquered, your honesty shall shout victory over it!” – Friedrich Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra
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Thanks to my grandpa for providing this interesting link to an article by Ursinus College Professor of Philosophy and Humanities Carlin Romano, adapted from his new book, America the Philosophical. According to Professor Romano, the United States represents the pinnacle of philosophical culture in the contemporary world.
In my view, philosophy is fundamentally the pursuit of wisdom. Romano can of course claim that I’m just putting off the challenge of defining philosophy by leaving murky the meaning of “wisdom;” but here “wisdom” is deliberately nebulous, dialectically determined, and decisively messy. The practice of philosophy is itself all of these things, as indeed it must with such an obscure object of study. But the question, “What is philosophy?” cannot be answered by defining its aim any more than the question, “What is baseball?” can be answered by defining a “run scored.” The function of a goal is to inspire action, with the nature of the action the chief characteristic of the activity; as baseball can be played only by knowing the mechanism by which a run is scored, without precisely defining a “run” (indeed, a run is defined entirely by its scoring mechanism, and a baseball game is entirely the conduct of that mechanism), so too is philosophy conducted without precisely defining wisdom. The emphasis here is not on wisdom per se, but on its pursuit, and in particular on the manner in which this pursuit is conducted – with careful argument, rigorous presentation of facts, and the intellectual honesty to admit it and move on when one is clearly mistaken. Philosophy is not wisdom, but the pursuit of wisdom, just as baseball is not runs, but the pursuit of runs. Without care, one may say much but advance little; without rigor, one may advance much but in the wrong direction; without honesty, one mistake spells the end of the productive enterprise. Thus, I repeat: philosophy is the pursuit of wisdom.
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Working from this perspective, I believe that Romano’s thesis is prima facie false. Romano, however, disagrees, and pushes three main propositions in support of “America the Philosophical”:
1) America is at the forefront of academic philosophy.
2) The conventional process of justification is a “metaphorical scam of moribund yet still breathing philosophy,” better replaced by “the view of Habermas, Germany’s foremost philosopher, that truth issues only from deliberation conducted under maximum conditions of openness and freedom, or the view of Rorty, America’s most important recent philosopher, that better conceptual vocabularies rather than firmer truths should be our aim.”
3) American culture fulfills this philosophical vision better than any other culture in the world.
We can see immediately that the first line of argument stands rather independent of the latter two, and it is admittedly difficult to refute. Despite our difficulties with primary and secondary education (more on education reform in future posts), US higher education, and especially its research institutions, stand at the forefront of academia. One professor recently advised me that fluency in a foreign language was unnecessary in academic philosophy because almost all major philosophical publications are now in English.
As the latter two premises are fundamentally interwoven insofar as they advance and then claim the fulfillment of the same philosophical paradigm, I will address them together.
Romano believes that America should be judged by a new, modern standard of philosophy that includes “the openness of its dialogue, the quantity of its arguments, the diversity of its viewpoints, the cockiness with which its citizens express their opinions, the vastness of its First Amendment freedoms, the intensity of its hunt for evidence and information, the widespread rejection of truths imposed by authority or tradition alone, the resistance to false claims of justification and legitimacy, [and] the embrace of Web communication with an alacrity that intimidates the world” – in other words, a standard that treats America’s existing public discourse as philosophical. However, mere chatter is not the same as philosophical discourse. In my view, Romano’s standard sacrifices what we most value in philosophy – its rigor, profundity, and intellectual integrity.
The “cockiness with which [Americans] express their opinions” is no more than the uncritical assertion of bias. When presented with two conflicting views, the philosophical thinker suspends judgment and investigates; the stereotypically cocky American picks one, both, or neither view, as best suit his interests, and declares that he is wise. I do not believe that most Americans fit this extreme description, but those who most vocally participate in our public discourse do not fear embracing contradictory opinions. “Keep your government hands off my Medicare!” is perhaps the most pungent example, but everything from Democrats’ “the health insurance mandate is legally a tax but not actually” to Republicans’ “Obamacare is creeping socialism, but Romneycare is good business” stinks of hopeless demagoguery. No, most Americans don’t promote these absurdities unless challenged, but polling data and expert analysis imply that enough people believe them to sway major elections.
Stereotypical Americans don’t just choose their preferred perspectives, they choose their preferred facts. The information they hunt is information that supports their preconceived notions. Our first amendment freedoms and democratic process are construed to mean that your lies are as good as my facts, your vast wealth as good as another’s vast wisdom. Though occasionally rebellious (more American Catholics favor than oppose marriage equality), those rebellions tend to be limited relative to other industrialized societies. The authorities and traditions that we reject are generally those which are marshaled against us, and people primarily use the web and other media to communicate with people with whom they already agree (in fact, ideological echo chambers like Fox News make people less informed than following no news at all). In sum, American culture reverses honest philosophy. It uses opinions to inform the truth rather than truth to inform opinions.
Romano cannot legitimately use the work of Habermas to claim that such contradictions are merely apparent from a “musty” cultural perspective, because Habermas is not a relativist. His theory of communicative rationality asserts that standards of rationality derive from agreements (usually tacit) on norms of speech. Since negation is innate in modern languages (can you think of someone who denies the validity of the concept of “not”?), it is also innate in modern standards of rationality. Disjunction exists as a valid logical relationship within communicative rationality, so the Principle of Contradiction applies to tell us that one concept or object cannot simultaneously possess two contradictory qualities.
If, following Kant, we accept that logic is the absolute negative condition on truth, and if we take seriously the idea that philosophy is the love of knowledge of the truth, then illogical claims cannot be philosophical. At best, an illogical argument serves by its refutation to close off a faulty train of thought; when it is so, a lover of knowledge will not only concede defeat, but thank his interlocutor for correcting his mistake. Government welfare programs cannot simultaneously be inherently harmful and essential to social well-being, a tax cannot simultaneously be not a tax, and two substantively congruous laws cannot be ideological opposites. People who claim otherwise are irrational, and irrational claims are nonsense, not philosophy.
While I am sympathetic to Rorty’s view insofar as a multiplicity of categories enriches and nuances our understanding, I do not believe Rorty would have us sacrifice rigor for the sake of diversity. While approaching the world from diverse perspectives no doubt enriches the subjective experience of truth, an approach that includes two contradictory perspectives destroys it by robbing it of internal consistency. The state of American public discourse is predominantly one-directional: media outlets produce, and people consume information. Interpretations are not thought out from multiple perspectives, but dictated by external thinkers. While the web holds out some hope for multi-dimensional “crowd sourcing” (blogs like this are surely one of Romano’s examples of a rich public discourse), multi-lateral conversations remain relatively scarce, and the web risks devolving into the same kinds of echo chambers as cable news. Since people can consume whatever online content they want, and since people tend to consume content that matches their preconceived notions, it seems plausible that our “diverse opinions” will remain largely segregated, with rich philosophical discourse continuing only at the relatively small margins of society.
I moreover doubt that American culture actually does broaden the conceptual vocabularies that Rorty would have us seek. Reading comprehension, primarily a test of the ability to conceptualize complex patters, is at a 20-year low among young adults. Media coverage of major events speaks in convenient binaries and favors sensationalism over facts. The Wall Street Journal is written to an eleventh grade reading level, higher than To Kill a Mockingbird, which comes in at 6.0, but substantially lower than the Declaration of Independence (15.1), the Constitution (17.8), and the Federalist Papers (17.1). The average American reads at approximately the level expected of an eight-grader, putting us in 14th place out of the 34 rich countries in the OECD.
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Ultimately, Romano seems to interpret as philosophical a more general distrust of authority, and as cleverly intellectual a virulent strain of anti-intellectualism. He misses the mark when he refashions philosophical culture as the mere presence of strong, diverse opinions, and again when he idealizes American culture beyond the support of empirical fact. This, indeed, might be his confusing philosophical enquiry with political practice, only the latter of which actually took place in the agora. Insofar as American culture is different than other societies’, it can certainly be said to be superlative somehow. Insofar as we have many philosophers, and exchange many ideas, one may even assert that America is broadly “philosophical.” And I will even grant that Romano might successfully defend a somewhat weaker, more tenable claim: that America is uniquely conducive to philosophy, although its full potential remains unrealized. To claim that America is the most philosophical country in history, however, is frankly a disservice to the intellectual integrity of philosophy itself.
A public forum is not a philosophical just because it is loud. Sometimes noise really is just noise.
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(Photo courtesy of dispatch.com)